The Influence of Julius Africanus’ Chronographiae 65
is guaranteed by divine grace {charisma) and is manifest in his political virtues, such as
chastity {sophrosyne), and the ability to attain theosophical experience (“mystic know-
ledge”), coming to know of the birth of Christ by interrogating the Delphic oracle:
Ό δέ Αύγουστος Καίσαρ Όκταουϊανός τω νε' έτει τής βασιΛείας αυτού
μηνί όκτωβρίω τω καί ύπερβερεταίω άπήλθεν εις τό μαντεΐον καί
ποιήσας εκατόμβην θυσίαν έπηρώτησεν 'τις μετ’ εμέ βασιλεύσει τής
Ρωμαϊκής πολιτείας;' καί ούκ έδόθη αύτω άπόκρισις εκ τής Πυθίας, καί
πάλιν έποίησεν άλλην θυσίαν, καί έπηρώτησεν τήν Πυθίαν τό διά τί
ούκ έδόθη αύτω άπόκρισις, άλλά σιγά τό μαντεΐον. καί έρρέθη αύτω
άπό τής Πυθίας ταύτα·
Παϊς Εβραίος κέλεταί με θεός μακάρεσσιν άνάσσων
τόνδε δόμον προλιπεϊν καίΆϊδος αύθις ίκέσθαι.
λοιπόν άπιθι έκ πρόμων ήμετέρων.
καί έξελθών έκ τού μαντείου ό Αύγουστος Καίσαρ καί έλθών εις τό
Καπετώλιον έστησεν έκεϊ βωμόν μέγαν, ύψηλόν, έν ώ έπέγραψεν
Ρωμαϊκοΐς γράμμασιν 'ό βωμός ούτός έστιν τού πρωτογόνου θεού·'
όστις βωμός έστιν εις τό Καπετώλιον έως τής νύν, καθώς Τιμόθεος ό
σοφός συνεγράψατο.
Augustus Caesar Octavian in the 55th year of his reign, in the month October-
Hyperberetaios, visited the oracle. He offered a hecatomb in sacrifice and asked,
“Who will reign over the Roman State after me?” No answer was given him by the
Pythia. Then he made another sacrifice, and asked the Pythia why no answer had
been given him but the oracle had remained silent. The Pythia made him the fol-
lowing reply: “A Hebrew child ruling as god over the blessed ones bids me abandon
this abode and return to Hades. So now depart from our leaders”. Augustus Caesar
left the oracle and came to the Capitol where he placed a great, tall altar, on which
he inscribed in Roman letters: “This is the altar of the first-born god”. This altar
stands on the Capitol to the present day, as the learned Timotheos has written.42
Malalas’ aggrandisement of Augustus is also useful in further underlining the most
significant ways in which his Chronographia breaks away from the tradition of Afri-
canus. In fact, Africanus attributed to Augustus a fundamental historical role, insisting
on the synchronism of the Emperor’s achievement of universal hegemony at the very
moment when Christ became incarnate in history. For Africanus, this synchronism
was first and foremost the result of precise and detailed calculations. For Malalas, this
synchronism has an especially symbolical value, which he prefers to develop in exalting
Augustus’ theosophical knowledge {Chronographia X 6: “He was a high priest with
mystic knowledge”). Indeed, unlike Africanus, Malalas no longer feels the importance
42 Malalas, Chronographia X 5; English translation by Jeffreys/Jeffreys/Scott (1986), p. 123. For Malalas’
representation of Augustus as a model for the subsequent byzantine historiography and chronicles see
Conca (2012), pp. 95-100 and 104-105; Mecella (2013), pp. 369-370; on Malalas and Augustus see also
Caire (2016). For the description of theosophical experiences in Malalas see Roberto (2015); forThoulis’
- an arrogant Egyptian king - theosophical experience according to Malalas see recently Garstad
(2014). On this topic see also Fabian Schulz’s contribution in this volume.