Malalas and Procopius

T73

badly on the emperor concerned, e.g. at XV 14, in which (in the Excerpta) he reprodu-
ces Verina’s harshly-worded proclamation of Leontius as emperor.
One further repercussion of the abridged nature of the Baroccianus remains to be
signalled. No doubt the original contours of the chronicle’were broadly comparable to
what the Baroccianus presents, and thus discussion of the work’s division into 18 books,
with Christ’s incarnation half-way through, as well as of Malalas’unusual chronology
of world history is quite legitimate and relevant.18 It is also clear that he saw the past
as a simple extension of the present and interprets it, Greek myths and all, in this
light.19 But attempts to arrive at a closer understanding of the sixth-century author’s
perspective on contemporary events are fraught with difficulty, as they are also with
Procopius, albeit for different reasons. In the case of the sixth-century Malalas, the la-
ter abridgement reduces the value of arguments based on the amount of space devoted
to certain issues. Thus, while Paolo Odorico may well be right in ascribing to Malalas
a new and original way of conceiving of man’s place in history, relying on analogy and
synchronicity to signal his own interpretation rather than through analysis of cause
and effect, it is difficult to be sure what points exactly he was trying to make. Odorico
notes, for example, the earthquake reported immediately after the conclusion of the
Eternal Peace with Persia, suggesting that it implies criticism of the treaty; elsewhere,
he points out that much of the opening of book 18 concerns the war on the eastern
front, whereas later on the Persians receive no mention at all.20 Given that these jux-
tapositions and sequences are to a considerable extent the result of subsequent scribal
activity, these inferences must be viewed with caution. Prudence is similarly in order
when it comes to our assessment of the sixth-century author as a hard-line upholder of
imperial legitimacy who welcomes the imposition of fear through stringent measures
and the wholesale slaughter of rioters. On the one hand, the work does provide favo-
urable portrayals not just of Justinian’s clampdowns on the circus partisans, but also of
Valentinian’s strong measures against high-level corruption, as likewise of Theoderic’s.
The fear said to be inspired by these actions appears to have the author’s approval.21 Yet
18 See Odorico, “L’uomo nuovo”, p. 312, Jeffreys, “The Beginning of Byzantine Chronography”, pp. 498-9,
Meier, “Einleitung”, p. 11. Odorico, “La chronique de Malalas”, advances many of the same arguments
as his earlier article.
19 See (e.g.) Scott, “Malalas’view of the classical past”, cf. Odorico, “L’uomo nuovo”, p. 311, Jeffreys, “The
Beginning of Byzantine Chronography”, p. 504.
20 Odorico, “L’uomo nuovo”, pp. 312-14, cf. idem, “La chronique de Malalas”, p. 284. Odorico, “L’uomo
nuovo”, offers an interesting comparison of Cosmas Indicopleustes and Malalas, noting parallels bet-
ween their Christian interpretations of history and of the world generally, cf. Champion, “Kosmas In-
dikopleustes”, on the same two authors (and others), without reference to Odorico, however.
21 Malalas, Chronographia XIII 31 on Valentinian, XV 10 on Theoderic (on which see Scott, “Interpreting
the late fifth and early sixth centuries”, pp. 90-2, Goltz, Barbar - König, pp. 177-210). Goltz, Barbar -
König, pp. 198-200, draws attention to parallels between the justice meted out by Valentinian and
Theoderic, noting, p. 197, that in John of Nikiu LXXXVIII 55 he refers to the impact of the fear gene-
rated: it discouraged the oppression of officials. It may be that the fear alluded to was aimed chiefly at
the aristocracy, whose waxing power Justinian in particular sought to check, so Scott, “Chronicles versus
classicizing history”, pp. 18-21, cf. Sarris, Economy and Society, pp. 210-12. In general, on the question of
Malalas’ approval of the fear inspired by certain rulers, see Scott, “Malalas, Ehe Secret History and