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Medieval Monasteries in the Duchy of Brabant I 235
reorientation, including with regard to the referring significance of architec-
ture."75 From then, a double movement developed. On the one hand, religious
orders like the Mendicants developed other kinds of international and provin-
cial hierarchies that included own architectural references. The referential shift
of the two Franciscan churches of Maastricht, from the Assisi-type expression
poverty to the Cologne-type expressing study, is a remarkable example of this
phenomenon. (Fig. 13) However, the architectural competition between men-
dicant friars within a same town, as illustrated for instance by the Franciscans
and the Dominicans in Maastricht and Leuven, was common and part of an
architectural visual culture at international level. In any medieval urban land-
scape, not only should the form of Dominican and Franciscan churches be
instantly identifiable and distinctive from parish churches and cathedrals, but
also from each other.
On the other hand, the new urban elites developed new types of art and archi-
tectural patronages that referred to symbols of local autonomy and patrician
identities. This innovation power included religious architecture and was ex-
pressed in Gothic style.76 Beguinages did not belong to a network or a struc-
tured congregation, but depended on local patronage and local recruitment,
mostly strengthened with family ties. Beguinages were sponsored by the same
patricians who invented the new social organization of their town and patron-
ized new architectural types with large covered spaces: the cloth hall for mer-
chants, the hospital ward for sick people, and the preaching hall for Mendi-
cants.77 The combination of a rectangular plan, a barn-type structure, a large
traceried eastern window, and the absence of any wall decoration, give the Be-
guinage church of Leuven the form of an abstract shrine containing a vast and
lightened space, which expressed apostolic poverty (Fig. 14).
75 Aart J. J. Mekking, Het laatste woord?, in: Bouwen en duiden. Studies over architectuur en
iconologie, ed. by Elizabeth DEN HARTOG/Raphael Rijntjes/Jos Stöver, Leiden/Alphen
aan den Rijn 1994, pp. 219-252 (quote p. 228, author's translation).
76 Aart J. J. Mekking, Traditie als maatstaf voor vernieuwing in de kerkelijke architectuur van
de middeleeuwen: De rol van oud en nieuw in het proces van bevestiging en doorbreking van
maatschappelijke structuren, in: Bulletin KNOB 97 (1998), pp. 205-223. Available online
at: https://journals.open.tudelft.nl/knob/article/view/Mekking205/500 (last accessed on
04.05.2020); Leonhard Helten, Kathedralen für Bürger. Die St. Nikolauskirche in Kampen
und der Wandel architektonischer Leitbilder städtischer Repräsentation im 14. Jahrhundert
(Clavis kunsthistorische monografieen 13), Utrecht 1994.
77 Coomans, Belfries (as in note 64).
reorientation, including with regard to the referring significance of architec-
ture."75 From then, a double movement developed. On the one hand, religious
orders like the Mendicants developed other kinds of international and provin-
cial hierarchies that included own architectural references. The referential shift
of the two Franciscan churches of Maastricht, from the Assisi-type expression
poverty to the Cologne-type expressing study, is a remarkable example of this
phenomenon. (Fig. 13) However, the architectural competition between men-
dicant friars within a same town, as illustrated for instance by the Franciscans
and the Dominicans in Maastricht and Leuven, was common and part of an
architectural visual culture at international level. In any medieval urban land-
scape, not only should the form of Dominican and Franciscan churches be
instantly identifiable and distinctive from parish churches and cathedrals, but
also from each other.
On the other hand, the new urban elites developed new types of art and archi-
tectural patronages that referred to symbols of local autonomy and patrician
identities. This innovation power included religious architecture and was ex-
pressed in Gothic style.76 Beguinages did not belong to a network or a struc-
tured congregation, but depended on local patronage and local recruitment,
mostly strengthened with family ties. Beguinages were sponsored by the same
patricians who invented the new social organization of their town and patron-
ized new architectural types with large covered spaces: the cloth hall for mer-
chants, the hospital ward for sick people, and the preaching hall for Mendi-
cants.77 The combination of a rectangular plan, a barn-type structure, a large
traceried eastern window, and the absence of any wall decoration, give the Be-
guinage church of Leuven the form of an abstract shrine containing a vast and
lightened space, which expressed apostolic poverty (Fig. 14).
75 Aart J. J. Mekking, Het laatste woord?, in: Bouwen en duiden. Studies over architectuur en
iconologie, ed. by Elizabeth DEN HARTOG/Raphael Rijntjes/Jos Stöver, Leiden/Alphen
aan den Rijn 1994, pp. 219-252 (quote p. 228, author's translation).
76 Aart J. J. Mekking, Traditie als maatstaf voor vernieuwing in de kerkelijke architectuur van
de middeleeuwen: De rol van oud en nieuw in het proces van bevestiging en doorbreking van
maatschappelijke structuren, in: Bulletin KNOB 97 (1998), pp. 205-223. Available online
at: https://journals.open.tudelft.nl/knob/article/view/Mekking205/500 (last accessed on
04.05.2020); Leonhard Helten, Kathedralen für Bürger. Die St. Nikolauskirche in Kampen
und der Wandel architektonischer Leitbilder städtischer Repräsentation im 14. Jahrhundert
(Clavis kunsthistorische monografieen 13), Utrecht 1994.
77 Coomans, Belfries (as in note 64).